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Topics - arriset

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Politiek / Een teken dat de Imazighen discrimineert
« on: 19/08/2010 om 16:56:55 »
Voor 77ème zitting van de "Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination", de Marokkaanse staat werd door deze organisatie van VN aanhoren. Onafhankelijke NGOs hebben eveneens deelgenomen en men schrijft verslagen om de situatie van de Imazighen aan te geven.

Bij deze zitting het Amazigh wereldcongres heeft een nieuwe racistische handeling van de Marokkaanse staat aangegeven. Volgens hen, in het nieuwe identiteitskaart onderdaan, van de Imazighen van Arrif, regio van de Sahara, en de Atlas, door de letter Z in Tifinagh worden gekenmerkt. Dit teken wordt aan eerste standpunt verborgen, maar zichtbaar door te plannen een wit licht tegen de kaart in een donkere kamer.

Deze methoden wijzen sterk op de periode nazi, waar werden de Joden met een jodenster gestigmatiseerd.

bron :

En una carta enviada a la Convención Internacional para la Eliminación de todas las Formas de Discriminación Racial, que desde ayer y hasta hoy analiza en Ginebra el informe de Marruecos, el organismo acusó a las autoridades marroquíes de practicar una "discriminación institucionalizada" contra ese grupo.

En el nuevo carné de identidad electrónico marroquí "a los ciudadanos de origen amazigh de las regiones saharianas, de las montañas del Atlas y del Rif se les marca con la letra Z escrita en bereber, oculta a primera vista pero visible al proyectar una luz blanca contra el carné en una sala oscura", denuncia la nota.

Esto constituye, según dijo a EFE el vicepresidente del CMA, Rachid Raha, "una prueba irrefutable" de la marginación de ese colectivo, que "los diferencia como ciudadanos de segunda" y entre otras consecuencias puede ocasionarles problemas en el mercado laboral y en las gestiones en la Administración pública.

Taal / bijwoord van plaats "da/adja"
« on: 19/08/2010 om 14:02:55 »
het bijwoord van plaats "da = hier (zonder beweging)" wordt door alle het Riffijnen gebruikt.

bv. : aqay da = ik ben hier

maar het deeltje "adja" schijnt niet door alle Riffijnen te worden gebruikt.

voor mij, betekent dit deeltje "adja = naar hier"

bv : assed adja = komen naar hier

zoals voor "da" men kan hem van ander deeltje van directie toevoegen (din, diha, daniti...), dus zal men hebben : "adjin, adjiha"

welke stam gebruikt niet het bijwoord van plaats "adja" ?

Taal / adjectivor prefixes "bu (m.) / mu (f.)"
« on: 19/08/2010 om 00:52:59 »

bron: thèse de doctorat _ dictionnaire tarifit-français par mohammed serhoual

In de media / A pilgrimage in the footsteps of Saint Augustine
« on: 16/08/2010 om 16:11:46 »
Christians and Muslims from Algeria to Italy in the footsteps of Saint Augustine.

Among them are two Muslim converts and catechumens. They want to pray for the Church to accept Muslims who want to be baptized. A Berber cross commemorating the pilgrimage to Milan (where Augustine received baptism) and Pavia (his tomb). The novena of preparation.

Rome  - A group of Christians and Muslims from Algeria, Morocco and France have planned a pilgrimage in the footsteps of Saint Augustine, their countryman, that will lead them to Milan and Pavia, where the remains of the North African saint of Hippo lie. There are several Muslim converts to Christianity among the group, some for over 40 years, others for just over a year.

It is the first time that Christians of North Africa have ever organized a similar pilgrimage. It will take them from August 26 to 28 to Milan, where Augustine was baptized by Ambrose in 387, to Pavia and the basilica of san Pietro in Ciel d’Oro (see photo), which houses his remains in time to take part in local celebrations, the feast of the saint on August 28.

The group has long desired to make this pilgrimage and had also wanted to include an audience with the pope. Among the pilgrims, 17 are of North African origin, 14 are converts from Islam and two are catechumens. There is also a future seminarian; the other 10 are of French origin, all accompanied by Fr Alexis Doucet, S.J.

To mark the occasion a medal bearing a Berber cross was coined, which will be handed to participants at the end of the pilgrimage.

Among the expressed intentions of the pilgrimage is that "Muslims who have heard the call of the Lord Jesus should not be prohibited from entering the Church." The idea refers to some episodes that have occurred in France and Algeria, where many Muslims who wanted to be baptized, have been impeded by priests and bishops, fearful of the consequences and overly precautious.

The pilgrimage will be preceded by a novena of prayer to God, in the words of St. Augustine, the text of which appears on the site

The pilgrimage is organized by the Notre-Dame de Kabylie, Saint-Augustin, Nantes and theMyriam Baouardi et Charles de Foucauld group from Albi / Toulouse.

Source: Asia News

In de media / "Here they call me a Dutchman"
« on: 15/08/2010 om 15:50:37 »

When he was nine his father took him with the rest of the family from the Netherlands to Morocco. At the age of 17, he returned to the Netherlands as an illegal immigrant, and was deported seven years later. The only thing Mohammed wants is to live in the land of his birth – the Netherlands.

By Mohammed Amezian and Michael Hoebink

"What am I doing here? I’m a Dutchman. Even the people here call me a Dutchman," says the 26-year-old Mohammed Htitich in desperation.

Mohammed works as a builder in a small village close to the Moroccan seaside town Al Hoceima. He works from seven in the morning till five in the evening for ten euros per day. He doesn’t have a house; he sleeps in a room of a house owned by a friend from the Netherlands. Every day Mohammed asks himself what he has done to deserve punishment.

"I think of the Netherlands all the time. When I wake up in the morning I start to cry, just like a woman."

Mohammed was born in 1984, as a late arrival in a Moroccan family in The Hague. At a particular moment, his father decided that he’d had enough of the Netherlands. With a good pension, he left on his 60th birthday together with his wife and went back to Meknes in Morocco. Mohammed was nine years old at the time. As the only minor in the family he had to go with them. But he couldn’t settle in Morocco. He left home and started living rough on the streets. Mohammed continued to dream of the Netherlands, and when he was 17 he decided to come back as an illegal immigrant.

In the Netherlands, he tried as hard as he could to make a living, which involved taking black market jobs. He went to Delft to live with his Dutch girlfriend, and they had a daughter, Fatima Zahra. But life in his beloved Netherlands was far from easy. His brothers and sisters, who all remain living in the Netherlands, disowned him because he had fathered a child out of wedlock, which is forbidden in the Qu’ran. “They called my daughter Fatima a 'whore daughter'", says Mohammed bitterly.

Also his attempts to gain legal status through a lawyer were unsuccessful. In 2007, he was arrested on the street by the police. He spent a year locked up, first on a detention boat in Rotterdam, then in a prison in Zeist. In December 2008 he was expelled. For the second time in his life, he had to leave the Netherlands under duress. On the aircraft his frustrations got the better of him. He assaulted a stewardess and tried to cut his wrist. In the Netherlands that he had left behind, the incident was reported in the newspapers.

Angry at the Netherlands
Mohammed doesn’t have a good word to say for Morocco, where he has lived for nearly two years. “Here it’s worse than prison,” he says. He’s also angry with his father, with whom he no longer has contact.

"He had the choice of returning to the country of his birth, but what about me?"

But Mohammed is especially angry with the Netherlands.

"I was born in the Netherlands and grew up there. I’ve lived most of my life there. They should treat me justly!"

In the summer the village where Mohammed lives fills up with Dutch people of Moroccan origin, who come to enjoy their vacation and display their wealth. Mohammed has a lot of friends amongst the holidaymakers. Isn’t he jealous when he sees his friends come from the Netherlands with luxury cars and expensive clothes? The bitterness drains from Mohammed’s eyes.

"No, definitely not. I’m not a hater. If I see a Moroccan with a beautiful car, it makes me happy!"

Glimmer of hope
Mohammed still has a glimmer of hope. He plans to apply for a so-called temporary residence permit, in order to come back to the Netherlands legally. But the question is whether his application will be successful.

In de media / ,,Ik heb de kansen gegrepen''
« on: 30/07/2010 om 00:09:29 »
THUISINNEDERLAND - Wie in het centrum van Harderwijk de weg vraagt naar de Snelliusstraat krijgt al gauw een licht verontschuldigend schouder ophalen. Maar als je dan vraagt naar het stratenmakersbedrijf van Jamal Raoudi, verschijnt er een brede lach op het gelaat: 'Die kant op.'

Even later staan we voor een vroegere garage waar Jamal Raoudi (37) en zijn hartsvriendin, Harderwijkse Tamara, (32) nu de scepter zwaaien in het stratenmakersbedrijf van Jamal en zijn jongere broers Farid (30) en Youssef (25). Sinds een jaar hebben Tamara en Jamal een dochter, Siham, hun oogappel. Elke middag is Tamara met haar kindje te vinden in het kantoor. Ze is er voor het papierwerk, de telefoon, de afspraken. ,,Ik ben niet van de stenen, meer van de organisatie,'' lacht ze. ,,Jamal moet je niet binnen zetten.''

,,Twaalf jaar geleden was Jamal bij ons thuis aan het bestraten. Hij was net voor zich zelf begonnen, een eenmansbedrijfje. Het duurde niet lang of we hadden verkering. Waarom? Hij is een lieve man, die weet wat hij wil. Zijn doorzettingsvermogen viel me meteen op. Hij is een bezige bij, in voor nieuwe dingen, kijkt om zich heen, zoekt nieuwe uitdagingen. Stilzitten is niks voor hem. Hij is een pure ondernemer. Ik sta achter hem. Ik vind het fijn om achter een succesvolle man te staan en te zien dat je aan het succes van het bedrijf kunt bijdragen.''

Dan komt Jamal binnen. Twinkelende ogen, een brede lach, een verontschuldiging. ,,Ik moest nog even een stoeprandje leggen. Duurde nét even iets langer.'' Onberispelijk Nederlands. Hij klopt het zand van zijn handen en begint zijn verhaal.

Droog was het en heet daar in zijn geboortedorp Midar in het Rif-gebergte in Noord-Marokko. Een arme streek. Jamal Raoudi was het vierde kind uit het huwelijk van vader Benassar en moeder Jamina. Al in de jaren zestig - ver voor Jamal's geboorte - was vader Ben naar West-Europa getrokken, op zoek naar werk. Frankrijk, Duitsland, uiteindelijk Nederland. Elk jaar kwam hij hartje-zomer voor een week of vier naar huis. Jamal herinnert het zich als de dag van gisteren: ,,Ik was een druk jongetje, eigenwijs, bezig. Buiten voetballen op het droge zand. Vaak kwam er een brief of een cassettebandje van vader, uit Nederland. Dan sprak hij lieve woorden tegen ons uit zo'n apparaatje en wij stuurden een cassettebandje terug. Moeder en oma hebben ons opgevoed. In de maand dat vader thuis was, mochten we meer. Maar zo'n maand gaat snel voorbij. Het afscheid, als hij weer ging voor een jaar, soms twee, jôh wat vond ik dat pijnlijk en verdrietig en wat miste ik hem dan, mijn vader, vooral die eerste maanden.''

De jaren vergleden. Het werd zomer 1986. Vanuit Nederland kwam er een Toyota-busje aangereden, ruim 2500 kilometer achter de wielen. Vader Ben, moeder Jamina en hun acht kinderen stapten in, Jamal was dertien. De reis naar het onbekende begon; grote ogen, vragende blikken. Het gezin werd herenigd in Nederland, in Hulshorst eerst, later in Harderwijk, waar ze altijd zijn blijven wonen. Vader Ben werkte bij een aannemersbedrijf, al jarenlang. Hij groef sleuven in de grond voor de kabels die welvarend Nederland een sneller telefoonverkeer moesten bezorgen. Hard werken was het.

Een week na aankomst ging 13-jarige Jamal naar basisschool De Boegspriet. Eigenlijk was hij daar te oud voor, maar het leek de beste weg om zo snel mogelijk Nederlands te leren. Hoewel, de meeste woorden leerde hij op straat van vriendjes, want Jamal legt makkelijk contact. Vloeken, daar schrok hij van. De naam van God die beledig je niet. Nu bekent hij eerlijk: ,,Af en toe ontglipt mij ook wel eens een gvd-tje, maar het is niet goed.''

Eén ding ziet Jamal scherp voor zich uit dat allereerste jaar in dat kikkerland: ,,Mijn ouders woonden vlakbij het Veluwemeer, waarvan ik eerst dacht dat het de zee was. Die strenge winter reden er auto's over het water; ijs! Onbegrijpelijk!''

Korte tijd later kwam Jamal terecht op de lts. Hij had het er niet naar zijn zin. Jamal voelde en wist dat hij méér kon, In de zomer van 1987 vond Jamal zijn eerste baantje bij hoveniersbedrijf Botuina. Daar leerde hij straten maken. ,,Ik zou in die vakantiemaanden 35 gulden per dag verdienen; later vond de baas dat iets te veel. Het werd 32 gulden.''

Op zijn 17e ging Jamal van school, vond werk bij metaalbedrijf Wescap in Ermelo. Tegelijkertijd ging hij twee dagen per week naar het Centrum Vakopleiding in Zwolle. Jamal haalde zijn praktijkdiploma's. Toen wachtte het Nederlandse leger. Jamal werd tankchauffeur, 'lag' in kazernes in Ermelo, Veldhoven en Seedorf. ,,Een mooie tijd; veel geleerd. Ik voelde me steeds meer Nederlander.''

Eenmaal uit dienst probeerde Jamal het nog wel, te werken bij een baas. Maar het 'paste' niet. Zo gebeurde het dat Jamal Raoudi op zijn 24e vanuit een garagebox zijn eigen stratenmakersbedrijfje begon. Zijn bureau installeerde hij boven zijn bed. Hij reed in een oud vw-golfje; huurde een karretje als hij zand en stenen moest vervoeren. ,,Het was een droom voor mij, zelfstandig zijn. Ik wilde werken voor mijn geld, hard werken. Van mijn eerste gespaarde geld kocht ik mijn eerste trilplaat.''

Jamal hééft hard gewerkt en doet dat nog, zes dagen in de week, met en tussen zijn broers en zijn werknemers die in hem niet zozeer de 'baas' zien als wel de meewerkend voorman, die de zwaarste klussen het eerste aanpakt. Jamal bouwde, later met zijn broers Farid en Youssef in een b.v. verenigd, een eigen bedrijfshal op industrieterrein Overveld. Vorig jaar was het pand te klein. Jamal verhuisde en kocht een leegstaande garage aan de Snelliusstraat. Op de top - 2009 - had Jamal 18-20 man aan het werk, Nederlanders en Marokkanen. Tien bedrijfsauto's op de weg, twee grote shovels, een mobiele kraan, een rupskraan, dertien trilplaten. Nu heeft, óók Jamal, te maken met de crisis maar de toekomst ziet hij zonnig in. ,,Over tien jaar is ons bedrijf nog groter, nog mooier, nog sterker.'' Jamal is zuinig op zijn personeel. ,,Dit vak is zwaar. Een rug is net als een deur. Als je hem niet beweegt gaat-ie vastzitten. Alle jongens die bij ons in vaste dienst zijn mogen gratis sporten, zo vaak als ze willen, bij Sportcentrum De Harder. Ze kunnen beter daar actief zijn, dan rondhangen met te veel bier.''

Jamal is kritisch, ook op zichzelf. ,, Ik kan soms bot zijn, ook naar ons personeel. Ik ben altijd op zoek naar perfectie, want ik ben zuinig op onze klanten. Die moeten tevreden zijn, die moeten onze goede naam doorgeven. Als ik een werknemer iets te makkelijk zie aanpakken, dan zég ik het hem, de eerste keer rustig en netjes, maar als-ie dan niet luistert, dan laat ik merken dat ik boos ben.''

Natuurlijk, Jamal weet het: Er zijn Marokkaanse jongeren die het níet zo goed doen, zo goed treffen, als hij en zijn broers. Jongens die thuis zitten en de criminaliteit in duiken. Jamal heeft er zijn mening over: ,,Het wordt de jongeren in Nederland soms té gemakkelijk gemaakt. Die uitkeringen zouden ze moeten afschaffen, alleen voor de mensen die het écht nodig hebben. Er zijn in Nederland teveel mensen die misbruik maken van de sociale voorzieningen, niet alleen 'buitenlandse' mensen, niet alleen Marokkanen, ook Nederlanders. Jongens die, jong nog, in de ww of de wao lopen, maar 's avonds of overdag wél een klusje aannemen. Ik kan en mag van mezelf niet liegen. Dat is ons aangeleerd: je bent eerlijk en je werkt voor je geld. Nederland heeft mij kansen geboden en ik heb ze met twee handen aangegrepen. Iets bereiken gaat niet zonder strijd, maar het helpt als je in jezelf blijft geloven.''


Evenementen / Festival Twiza van Tanja
« on: 20/07/2010 om 14:09:58 »

Moroccan Organizations of human rights on Wednesday urged the Ministry of Islamic Affairs to investigate an imam who has allegedly made "insulting" statements towards the Amazigh language, in a mosque in Rabat. The Amazigh are the native inhabitants of North Africa.
The incendiary sermon was allegedly held after a prayer at the « Al Fath » mosque in the section of Yacoub el Mansour in Rabat.
The ministry defended the imam and denied the veracity of the news.
According to the Moroccan Organization of Human Rights (OMDH), the imam in question has compared the "Amazigh movement" to Zionism in a sermon at a mosque in the capital city of Rabat. The NGO did not report the exact words used by the imam but it has requested an investigation to clarify the matter.

"If Ahmed Tawfiq, the Moroccan Minister of Islamic Affairs, does not open an investigation of this particular imam, we will follow through with a civil suite” said the president of the OMDH, Ms. Amina Bouayach. The OMDH has "condemned the dangerous statements made by this imam and cautioned about the political and religious consequences that are liable to follow."
The Amazigh Network for Citizenship has denounced the incident in an open letter to minister Ahmed Tawfiq and to his counterparts at the Justice ministry, Mr. Tayeb Mohamed Naciri.

The ministry of religious Affairs was quick to react. In a statement that was sent to the official press agency, MAP, the Ministry denied the reports published by the OMDH and by the Moroccan Association for Human Rights (AMDH)’s president Khadija Ryadi.
The person to whom those words have been linked "is not an imam but a preacher that is employed by the local Rabat council of ulema (theologians)”, said the ministry. Forty worshipers that were present during the sermon have "categorically denied the media reports" in written statements submitted to the Ministry of Islamic Affairs. According to the witnesses, “there were no insults to the Amazigh language or a link made between the Amazigh movement and Zionism”.
According to witnesses, the speaker mentioned the importance of the Arabic language in the teaching of the Quran, stressing that "some letters in the Tifinagh, the Amazigh language alphabet, could have a Phoenician origin. 
The Ministry said that the preacher himself is fluent in the Amazigh language due to his roots (from the city of Taliouine, between Agadir and Ouarzazate in the Souss region in southern Morocco).

Islam and the Amazigh movement are sensitive issues in Morocco. The detractors of the Amazigh movement argue that since the Quran is written in Arabic, the Arabic language is the only one that should be an official language of Morocco.
The Amazigh activists do not see any correlation between one’s faith and one’s language and they point to many Muslim countries with languages others than Arabic.

This incident also follows a recent wave of deportations of Christian “proselytizers” by the Moroccan government that some analysts think is due to pressures from Moroccan islamists. 

Have the islamists become so embolden that they now have the Amazigh Movement in their crosshair?


In de media / New Ally Against al Qaeda
« on: 15/07/2010 om 13:57:33 »
With the formation of a new provisional government of the Algerian region of Kabylie, the Western world might have gained a precious ally to fight al-Qaeda in one of its most strategic hideouts. If only someone noticed that this government was established in the first place.

What the Movement for the Autonomy of Kabylie [MKA] has been protesting is the Islamization of their society that the Algerian government was imposing, and particularly the introduction of Arabic as the official language of the country.

As the President of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), Ali Belhadj, stated in the 19990s: "There is no democracy because the only source of power is Allah through the Koran, and not the people. If the people vote against the law of God, this is nothing other than blasphemy. In this case, it is necessary to kill the non-believers for the good reason that they wish to substitute their authority for that of God."

The official Algerian government seemed not to have problems with such statements, at least up until the FIS and other radical Islamist movements started to gain ground to the detriment of the National Liberation Front Party (FNL), at the general elections that were subsequently shut down by the authorities for fear of loosing control over the country (1991). The rivalry between the Algerian army (which took control of the government) and the Islamist movements, not only lead up to an eleven year-long bloody civil war, but also to an unsustainable situation for normal citizens and especially for Kabyles, who were already being discriminated by the authorities for their "different"(Berber) identity.

After changing the Algerian constitution to grant himself more power, and eliminating presidential term limits through a much debated referendum, on April 9, 2009, the Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika was confirmed in office for the third time on April 9, 2009, in what many called a "disputed election." Although for the OECD this election was "fair," many Algerian parties boycotted it.

The independent government of Kabylie, a mountainous region situated in the north of Algeria, was therefore formed in Paris on June 1st, in an attempt to contravene the influence of the Algerian national government. The formation of the new Kabyle cabinet did not get much attention across the media, but it could mark a defining moment in the struggle against radical Islam, given the fact that the MKA is certainly far more pro-Western than its official counterpart.

As the movement leader, Ferhat Mehenni, explained, "We are setting up our provisional government so that we no longer undergo the injustice, contempt, domination, frustration and discrimination that we have endured since 1962." The Kabyles have in fact begun demanding autonomy since the end of the Algerian War of Independence against France, 48 years ago.

Even though, at least on the surface, the actual Algerian government does not seem to care much -- Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia on June 2nd dismissed Mehenni's announcement as "nothing but din"-- this small cabinet-in-exile could end up causing more problems than expected. It is no coincidence that the Algerian authorities have already issued an arrest warrant for leader of the MAK.

Mehenni set-up a cabinet of nine ministers for his new government that should now represent five to seven million of Berbers (the numbers are disputed). His gesture was regarded by many as a provocation against the Algerian authorities, but apparently the 59 year-old political activist (and singer) has a lot of support from his people. As one Kabyle student, Idir, told the press, "national unity has not existed since the events in Kabylie in 2001. People seem to forget that 126 young Kabyle people were assassinated [then] by a corrupt government that has no legitimacy, and that no responsibility has been established for these crimes against humanity."

The creation of the Movement for the Autonomy of Kabylie dates back to 2001, during the so-called "Black Spring." At that time, the Algerian government tried (and partially succeeded) to suffocate the protests of the Berber activists who were demanding autonomy for the region. During the riots that ensued, hundreds of Kabylies were killed and many others injured.

Tensions between the Kabyle leaders and the central government started to erupt during the early sixties, but the real fight began in 1980, when the government tried to ban Berber poetry from universities to prevent new generations from speaking their ancestors' language. Later, during the civil War of the 1990s, many Algerian authorities found themselves fighting against the very Islamist movements that they previously supported and endorsed.

Given their natural resilience, the Kabyles (who first resisted the Roman and the Ottoman invasions, and have been fighting for their independence throughout the last century) could be most helpful against al Qaeda in North Africa. As Walid Phares, of the Foundation for the Defence of Democracies in Washington DC, noted, "[the Kabyles] are mostly secular and believe in democracy, and could become an efficient ally against the Jihadists." Phares added, however: "al Qaeda and the Salafists have strong bases in Algeria, and the Kabyles resist them fiercely so we have a strategic interest in helping them, but without crumbling our good relations with the Algerian secular Government".

This is the problem: the diplomatic relations between US and Algeria are better now than ever; Washington and Algeria have started what is considered a "fruitful collaboration" on issues such as counterterrorism and law enforcement. And even if Mehenni's move is certainly provocative, it still lacks what counts most for any form of democracy: support from the masses.

Mehenni is very popular among youngsters in Kabylie, that is for sure, but there are no polls to support him and his new government-in-exile will likely have to knock on many doors before someone opens them. The international community, however, might benefit from collaborating with Kabylie's new provisional cabinet: al Qaeda's linked groups are still strong in Europe, and the al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb in North Africa are still committed to destroying Western targets and building up an Islamist state within Algeria -- especially after the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) joined forces with al Qaeda. This is why an ally that knows the turf and – most of all – is totally committed to fighting radical Islam, would probably be more valuable than a stronger and bigger ally with no such background .

The US State Department does not even mention the MKA, Mehenni or his new government on its website, where instead there is an interesting contest taking place: participants are asked to send a video clip regarding democracy that begins with the sentence "Democracy is.…" About Algeria, though, the very first thing that is made clear is:

"The Department of State urges U.S. citizens who travel to Algeria to evaluate carefully the risks posed to their personal safety. Terrorist attacks, including bombings, false roadblocks, kidnappings, ambushes, and assassinations occur regularly, particularly in the Kabylie region of the country...Therefore, make sure to practice sound personal security measures and have a safe and happy holiday season...."

Despite what the USSD says, Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika did not do much to oppose terrorism during his two terms: in 2005, for example, a referendum was passed in Algeria allowing certain terrorist combatants to be pardoned. After that, approximately 2,500 Islamist fighters returned to their safe havens and got back to fighting.

During WWI, Woodrow Wilson's principle of self-determination helped the Allies against the Central Powers when the Bolsheviks came to power and declared independence, but the same principle caused many problems used to give power to certain nationalities over their minorities.

The region of Kabylie, inhabited by a majority of Berbers, only asks for freedom, not power. Perhaps someone might start paying attention before it is too late?


Boudinar rural commune: Tremendous natural resources

Inhabitants of Morocco’s northern region adapt to climate change by storing rainwater, developing resilient crops, preventing soil erosion.

By Mohammed Tafraouti – BOUMAAD, Morocco

There is not avoiding the mighty “Ameqrane” River as we set out from the village of Boudinar towards the village of Boumaad and later on that of “Tiza”. Scattered tree limbs, water rivulets flowing soundlessly, and murky puddles of stagnant water wallow in far corners, like desperate liquid pools bowing shyly before the majesty of the great river.

On the left bank, a strip of water stubbornly forges its way into the great river, like a snake slithering purposefully towards a well known destination, laden with water as if fed by a clear source in the upper reaches of the mountain, meandering and gushing with such force that no finality seems possible other than embracing the folds of the Mediterranean sea.

A beautiful herd of predominantly dark brown goats graze, spattered with a few famished sheep greedily searching for grass to ease the signs of underfeeding that clearly mark their frames.

The two 4X4 hurry along to reach” Boumaad “village through the “Ameqrane” valley, turning left and then right in search of an easy path to their final destinations: the village of “Boumaad” and later on that of “Tiza”.

A man, busy sifting pebbles and sand in the middle of the river raises his head inquisitively at the passage of the vehicles. Piled by his side are two meager heaps of sand.

Finally, and after a 45 minute drive along the river, a turn takes us away from the river bank and up the mountain as we embark on a maze of turns and twists. Clouds of dust rise around us, blocking our visibility at times and forcing us to inch along in our climb up the mountain. The narrow dirt road takes us towards the village/summit where the population lives and from where we can admire the imposing majesty of the “Ameqrane” River.

Tiza Village

The inhabitants of “Tiza” Village depend on traditional subsistence cultures and annual crops of grains, legumes, olives, some fruits and animal breeding. Unfortunately, climate changes have adversely impacted on these traditional cultures, rendering them less profitable and more detrimental to the local environmental system.

The fertile clay soil of the region has greatly deteriorated as a result of erosion and the soil and underground water salinity which results from the rising sea level of the Mediterranean Sea.

The land, source of livelihood for the population, is today threatened by soil erosion, floods and droughts. These phenomena shrink the surface area of arable land and undermine the plant cover, destroying in the process the ecosystem and the basic structure. This in turn exacerbates poverty and rural migration, particularly among the young men.

The populations of ” Boumaad” and “Tiza” bear up against exceptionally violent rain storms which cause the Ameqrane River to well up in destructive floods, cutting off the villages from the rest of the collectivity.

On the other hand, the region suffers severe droughts which severely affect a population that depends entirely on natural resources harvesting and mostly rain fed agriculture.

Adaptation to Climate Change and Preserving Resources

A field study conducted by the research team of the Adaptation to Climate Change in Morocco (ACCMA), a project funded in the framework of Adaptation to Climate Change in Africa (ACCA) program, jointly funded by the International Development Research Center (Canada) and the Department for International Development (DFID) of the United Kingdom, documented the impact of sea level rise and extreme weather events on the natural and socioeconomic systems. Sea water intrusion, beach and soil erosion are among identified impacts. Such changes will negatively affect living conditions in the region as well as disrupt the ecological order, exacerbating the vulnerability of the social and economic structure of the region.

The scientific study carried out by ACCMA and the consultation meetings with stakeholders, focused on the necessity of adapting to climate change and improving the living conditions of the population in the villages of Boumaad and Tiza in the eastern part of the Rif (between Al Hoceima and Nador and close to the Mediterranean Sea). These efforts, which take shape within the framework of a joint program involving the inhabitants of the two far apart villages and the program for adaptation to climate change, comprise the collection of rainwater and the development of new farming and soil preservation techniques, the aim being to sustain the local ecological system, break the isolation of the region and support local adaptive capacities.

Doctor Abdellatif Khattabi, ACCMA coordinator and Professor at the National School for Forest Engineers, confirms that climate change forecasts performed by ACCMA predict an increase in temperatures, a drop in rainfall levels, a worsening of droughts coupled with a sharp discrepancy between water demand and offer. The drop in rainfall levels, mainly during the spring season in the area under study will adversely impact on the local agricultural activity, and ultimately on the community’s scarce resources.

Khattabi goes on to say that the study conducted seeks to build the local populations’ capacity to adapt to climate change impacts and improve their living conditions through improvement of agricultural and water management practices, and the implementation of measures that promote income generating activities.

Outcome and Achievements

Detailed soil and water management strategies have been devised in order to guarantee a good adaptation to drought and erosion. New climate change adaptation practices were identified for implementation in cooperation with the inhabitants to achieve the sustainable development of their living conditions. Such practices include the selection of tree varieties that adapt easily to water scarcity, soil salinity and erosion, such as olive, carob, almond and fig trees, alternative farming techniques that promote high value-added crops, building a reservoir to store the water resources available in the village, digging new reservoirs and favoring the drip irrigation system, as well as testing and applying new techniques aimed at sustaining soil quality.

To build the capacity of the community to face up to the negative impacts of climate change, the ACCMA project has organized several training workshops benefiting the targeted populations. The workshops enable them acquire new skills and know-how in climate change adaption through, inter alia, water management, maintenance of rainwater catchment reservoirs and the sustainable maintenance of local crops. The purpose of these exercises is to improve living conditions, alleviate poverty and vulnerability within families, halt or at least reduce rural exodus, and contain the risks of soil erosion and therefore preserve the echo-system and local agriculture.

Obstacles and Impediments

Community activities within the Tiza village are not made any easier by the distances separating houses but this obstacle can be overcome through the intensified mobilization of local communities by tapping into local solidarity traditions. Another obstacle, this one cultural, is reluctance to involve women despite the important role they play in managing natural resources and the fact that they stand deeply affected by climate changes, mainly water scarcity. However, the Tafedna Association for Development and Solidarity, with the help of ACCMA project and the Community Based Adaptation Program (CBA) is now promoting and organizing activities that target women in various contexts and with the assistance of various other role-players advocating women’s rights.

Boumaad Village and Impact of Climate Change on Women in an Agricultural Society

The ACCMA study is aimed at building women’s capacity to acclimatize their local agricultural environment to climate changes, particularly to the challenges of dwindling water resources, impoverished plant cover, soil erosion, the loss of crops and cattle and the destruction of environment and basic structures. The project will extend assistance through improving water management and storage, increasing water proximity to women to alleviate the hardships linked to water conveyance and bettering their living conditions. It will also benefit farmers who will be provided with water for irrigation purposes.

Women account for 75% of the village’s population since most men have either temporarily or definitely migrated in the search of greener pastures. Subsistence in the village relies on the traditional growing of annual crops supplemented by sheep farming and beekeeping, fishing and commerce, although these contribute to a lesser extent to income. Women play a major role in the agricultural process at the various stages of land farming: tilling, irrigation, weeding, preservation of fields and crops, harvesting and storage of the agricultural produce.

“Boumaad” village suffers from the absence of a connection to the piped potable water with some of the houses being located more than 1.5 kilometers from the nearest drinking water source. In fact, a woman may spend up to one hour and a half per day carrying water to be used for drinking, household chores, farming and irrigation.

Professor Abdellatif Khattabi explains that women at “Boumaad” suffer tremendously from the direct impact of climate change on their lives. A woman is therefore more vulnerable to the effects of climate change considering the efforts expended in ferrying water through strenuous paths, a chore that leaves little time left for other activities.

Unlike men, a woman cannot leave the village to find other sources of income. She depends on local resources such as the rapidly swindling cultures, a situation further compounded by the almost nil educational opportunities open to women. This situation has drawn the attention of the ACCMA project which strives to provide an opportunity for the population, particularly women, to acquire new skills and engage in diversified activities with the help and participation of local associations. The project will help women tackle all these vulnerability factors, and this help will include a literacy program for women and girls from the village, laying pipes to convey drinking and irrigation water from its sources, building a small reservoir close to the water sources, and adopting a pilot project of drip irrigation for a better management of limited water resources. It also seeks to improve women’s knowledge about climate changes, the application of rationalized farming and water management techniques through the process of information and expertise sharing that takes place during the field visits to the sites of other projects.


De Marokkaanse krant Assabah heeft haar Riffijnse correspondent in Belgie ontslagen, toen de correspondent Said Alamrani contact opnam met de redactie van de krant voor uitleg over de oorzaak van het ontslag kreeg hij te horen dat het ontslag niet het besluit van de redactie zelf is maar dat het besluit van hogerhand is opgelegd op de krant, de redactie zou ook een rapport hebben gekregen over de activiteiten van Said die verband hebben met de Amazigh beweging en de vereniging "Autonomie voor Arif".

Said Almarani probeerde meerdere malen contact op te nemen met eindredacteur van de krant, maar werd iedere keer ontweken door Khalid Alhouri.

Als reactie heeft Said Alamrani een openbrief geschreven aan zowel de redactie als de lezers waarin hij weigert afstand te nemen van zijn Amazigh identiteit, ik zeg tegen de redactie en degenen van dat rapport (verwijzend naar de Marokkaanse geheime diensten) dat ik op een democratische manier zal blijven strijden voor een democratisch, federaal Marokko waarin de Amazigh taal en cultuur wordt erkend, aldus Said.

Said schreef ook dat zulke praktijken bewijzen dat er geen verzoening is tussen de Marokkaanse Makhzen en Arif en dat die leuzen puur propaganda zijn.


The Sardinian town of Villasimius purifies sewage for use in irrigation in agriculture, golf courses, private and public gardens and hotels, and is now ''exporting'' its model of sustainable development to Djerba and Ajim, in Tunisia, and to the Moroccan town of Al Hoceima, thanks to a half a million euro project financed by the EU.

The initiative comes as part of Ciudad, the new cooperation programme between the EU and its partners in Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean, which is at the centre of a conference in Brussels. The problem for all of these seaside towns is the impact of tourism, which leads to a dearth of the precious ''blue gold''. ''In Villasimius, a protected marine area, the population goes from three thousand to thirty thousand during the summer, with peaks of 50,000 in August,'' says the mayor of the town, Tore Sanna. ''We're talking about 34 hotels and 36 kilometres of coast. The island of Djerba, on the other hand, has half a million inhabitants spread across three towns, and there are many more when you add the tourists staying in over a hundred hotels. So Djerba relies on desalinated water''.

This is why there is a common need for the resource to be managed in the most sustainable possible way, an initiative that began a long time ago in the Sardinian town. ''In the 1990s, the town of Villasimius had the idea of launching this system of ''tertiary'' treatment of sewage, at a time when there were no rulings on the subject in Italy,'' says Remo Ghiani, the town's head of environment. ''The plant was inaugurated in 1998 and every year Villasimius reuses 700,000 cubic metres of water, the equivalent of the drinking water consumed in one year by a town of 25,000 people''. In the spirit of environmental friendliness, the town is working tirelessly. ''We now have 55% separate waste collection, and we are working on renewable energy,'' says Sanna. This water management model, therefore, has attracted the attention of other towns on the southern side of the Mediterranean.

Nibani Houssine, from the Association for integrated resource management (AGIR), comes from the town of Al Hoceima in Morocco (60,000 inhabitants), where large-scale tourism investments are springing up endlessly. Born in the 1920s. Al Hoceima faces the sea and has a semi-arid climate. ''Now there is a national reforestation plan, to prevent water arriving from the mountains to the entrance of the city from being too lost too quickly when it flows down to the sea,'' Houssine explains. ''We already have a shortage problem here, and it is aggravated when we have four times as many people during the summer''. This explains the population's desire to protect resources. ''What future does our town want?'' asks Houssine. ''The future of Djerba, which is subject to serious strain from an environmental point of view, or the future of Villasimius? Thanks to this cooperation, our aim is to finish a feasibility study for a concrete project to be financed''.


Turkse en Marokkaanse kinderen hebben zowel in hun eerste taal als in het Nederlands een taalachterstand ten opzichte van Nederlandse klasgenoten. Dit stelt Anna Scheele in haar proefschrift. Ze promoveerde begin deze maand aan de Universiteit Utrecht. 5 vragen aan de onderzoekster.

Anna Scheele onderzocht de (tweetalige) ontwikkeling van schooltaalvaardigheid van 58 Nederlandse, 46 Marokkaans-Berberse en 55 Turkse kinderen in de leeftijd van 3 tot 6 jaar. Ze vergeleek het taalaanbod in de gezinnen, de taalontwikkeling in de eerste en tweede taal en de cognitieve vaardigheden (het geheugen en de non-verbale intelligentie) van de kinderen.

1. Wat is de reden voor dit onderzoek?
‘Door de wereldwijde migratie groeien steeds meer kinderen tweetalig op. Om zowel thuis als op school goed te kunnen functioneren moeten ze 2 talen beheersen. Vooral op school vraagt dit veel van de kinderen. Ze hebben taal nodig om vakken zoals rekenen, aardrijkskunde en biologie te kunnen beheersen.
'Onderzoeken van het Centraal Planbureau wijzen uit dat Turkse kinderen een taalachterstand hebben van 2 jaar en Marokkaanse van 1.5f jaar wanneer ze de basisschool verlaten. Met het proefschrift wil ik meer inzicht krijgen in de taalachterstand van tweetalige migrantenkinderen.’

2. Wat zijn opvallende uitkomsten van dit onderzoek?
‘De intelligentie en het geheugen van de kinderen spelen geen rol in de taalachterstand van migrantenkinderen. Tweetaligheid heeft voors en tegens. Aan de ene kant hebben de kinderen minder aanbod per taal door verdeling van het taalaanbod over 2 talen. Dat is een nadelig effect. Aan de ander kant kunnen ze bij het leren van de tweede taal gebruik maken van kennis die ze in de eerste taal hebben opgebouwd. En dat is een voordeel.’

3. Waarom een onderzoek specifiek onder kinderen van 3 tot 6 jaar?
‘De achterstand ontwikkelt zich al in een vroeg stadium. Daarom waren we vooral geïnteresseerd in de ontwikkeling van taalvaardigheid van 3- tot 6-jarige kinderen. Wanneer zij eenmaal een taalachterstand hebben en er wordt niets aan gedaan, dan bestaat het risico dat ze die achterstand op latere leeftijd niet meer inhalen.’

4. Wat zijn de belangrijkste verschillen tussen Marokkaanse en Turkse kinderen?
‘Het merendeel van de Marokkaanse gezinnen spreekt thuis Tarifit-Berber. Dit is een orale taal die niet op schrift is gesteld. Ouders kunnen de kinderen niet voorlezen want ze hebben geen boeken in deze taal. Turkse ouders kunnen dit wel. Veel Marokkaanse ouders hebben een lage opleiding. Ze komen van het platteland. De moeder heeft vaak de basisschool niet afgemaakt. Bij Turken is de opleiding iets hoger. Ze praten dan ook meer Turks met hun kinderen waardoor er echter minder tijd overblijft voor het Nederlands. Dat verklaart het verschil in achterstand in de Nederlandse woordenschat tussen Turkse en Marokkaanse kinderen (ten nadele van Turkse kinderen, red.)’

5. Wie kunnen iets doen aan de achterstand? De ouders of de school?
‘Ouders kunnen hun kinderen al vroeg voorbereiden op het gebruik van schooltaal, bijvoorbeeld door het lezen van prentenboekjes. Nederlandse ouders beginnen daar al vroeg mee. Je ziet vaak dat baby’s al een prentenboekje hebben als ze nog in de wieg liggen. Op jonge leeftijd lezen Nederlandse ouders hun kinderen vaker voor dan de Turkse of Marokkaanse ouders. Zij gaan hun kinderen pas op latere leeftijd voorlezen. Wanneer de kinderen eenmaal naar school gaan lezen ze even vaak boekjes voor als de Nederlandse ouders. Vroegtijdig stimuleren van taal is juist erg belangrijk om kinderen voor te bereiden op abstract taalgebruik op school. Wanneer de taal beperkt blijft tot : "Doe dit, of pak dat en zet het daar neer", dan steken kinderen minder op van het taalaanbod. De school kan kinderen extra stimuleren in taal. Dat kan door bijvoorbeeld kringgesprekken te houden, door de kinderen meer te laten vertellen over verschillende onderwerpen.’


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