Amazigh.nl

aydud amaruk nigh iyduden n moghrib ???

Manaya, ch'er zegwami idja regnus-a ?

de hoofdzaak is dat hij er wederzijds begrijpen is, is de rest slechts detail zonder belang! .

Cooperation between the EU and Morocco has mobilized 1 billion 800 million dirham in 2010 in support of important programmes for the benefit of Moroccan citizens, according to a press release from the EU Delegation in Morocco. A new EU-Morocco cooperation programme, signed last July 2010 for the period 2011-2013 will bring the EU financial support to over 2 billion dirham per year, with cooperation focused on priority reform policies, according to the EU Head of Delegation.

The press release said new programmes in the field of fighting illiteracy, agriculture solidarity, rural development, sanitation and de-pollution have also been launched. "Our cooperation focuses on support to Morocco’s priority reform policies and strategies,” said Ambassador Eneko Landaburu. “This choice will be credible as long as Morocco intensifies the pace of implementation of its reforms and mobilizes the human and financial resources necessary for their success. Our partnership is both close and rigorous. We will strongly support any action towards the strengthening of social cohesion and the fight against poverty, which represent fundamental values of the EU."

Much of the cooperation takes place with the government as part of an ongoing straightforward and solid partnership. The EU is also supporting civil society through dialogue, consultation and cooperation: 50 projects underway in the areas of human rights are supported by the EU (including six activities in the field of justice, five related to freedom of expression, four in the fight against corruption and three for local and parliamentary democracy).

Reviewing the achievements of last year, the press release said 2010 was marked on the political level by the first EU-Morocco summit held in Grenada and the creation of the Joint Parliamentary Committee, ensuring political leadership in a bilateral relationship strengthened by the advanced status. The signing of two protocols to the Association Agreement opens up new fields of cooperation through the participation of Morocco in European programmes and the liberalization of trade in agricultural products and fisheries, the press release says. Finally, 2010 has allowed the preparation of a new EU-Morocco Action Plan, which will be finalized in 2011 and will allow the implementation of the dynamics of the advanced status in its ambition to converge to European standards.

A rural development programme in Northern Morocco, focused on the province of Al Hoceima, will be developed in 2011, as well as support for the promotion of gender equality throughout the country. A very ambitious programme "Making advanced status" will be set up to help boost the process of approximation of legislation and Moroccan institutions with those of Europe. The European Union hopes that this process, started in 2010, which requires political and strategic leadership by the Moroccan authorities, is actively pursued. Regulatory convergence is at the heart of the advanced status and its success will be the tangible expression of the EU and Morocco common values. (ENPI Info Centre)

Libya's Berbers join the revolution in fight to reclaim ancient identity

Mountain tribes in the west, also called Amazigh, unite with opposition after decades of Gaddafi repressing their identity




"Have a good revolution," said the Tunisian customs officer, handing back our passports. We set out across the short stretch of no man's land towards Libya beneath a giant image of Muammar Gaddafi, his chin lifted, hands held together in a gesture of unity and victory.

Before we could reach him, a car bearing the flag of Libya's revolution raced out and its driver gestured us inside before speeding around the border post in a wide circle. We could make out the gaping expressions of the police and intelligence officers as they receded into the distance.

"This [is] all free now," the driver said, gesturing at the expanses of mountain and desert.

The roads in western Libya are clogged with makeshift checkpoints. Barricades built of burnt-out cars and rocks and manned by a patchwork of armed militias block the entrances to towns and villages. The fighters here are an assortment of turbaned Amazigh, or Berber, tribesmen, defectors wearing army uniforms and volunteers in mismatched combat fatigues.

The leaders of this uprising are equally varied: one burly military commander, Talibi, in civilian life is an Amazigh poet. Other revolutionaries we met were doctors, engineers, tribal elders, even a web-savvy youth in a baseball cap.

Night had fallen by the time we reached Nalut, where dozens of Amazigh tribesmen stood around campfires guarding barricades and manning checkpoints in the cold. Some carried weapons they had looted from army bases, the rest carried hunting rifles and clubs. The Amazigh we spoke to could not hide their euphoria.

"The fear of decades was broken after what happened in Egypt and Tunisia," said Khairy as he handed us small cups of green tea. The Amazigh have long struggled to retain their cultural rights in Gaddafi's Libya. "We never thought this could happen in our lifetime," he said.

On the outskirts of Nalut we were taken inside a small hut where four black men stood against a wall with their arms held out wide. The fighters flashed torches in their faces. "Mercenaries," one of the tribesmen said. They rummaged through the captives' bags to show us their belongings: a photo album, a few bits of clothing, some socks and a hat.

"We found knives on them," the tribesman assured me. But these terrified young men in their jeans, sneakers and sweaters looked to me like nothing more than young African migrants en route to Europe.

The following morning we went with Talibi, the poet-commander, to a small hill overlooking the highway. Talibi was planning an attack on the border post between Tunisia and Libya so that medical aid and opposition leaders could enter from the west.

Talibi shouted in Amazigh into his two mobile phones. His small guerrilla force of a dozen heavily-built tribesman milled around him, waiting for the order to attack. Between them they had four Kalashnikovs, a few hunting rifles and a stick.

He had spent a year in jail for organising Amazigh activities in defiance of the regime, he said, and his legs carry mangled scars which he said had been inflicted by the torturers of the regime. "They used a drill here," he said, lifting his trouser leg and pointing at three perfect circles. His other leg bore a long scar inflicted by a machete.

When the order was given the tribesmen raced in five pick-ups towards the border. The Libyan policemen opened the gate and let the tribesmen inside without a bullet being fired. As the cars slid to a halt one Libyan soldier ran out of a back door clutching his rifle.

The tribesmen spread out while the intelligence officers and the police huddled in a corner, clearly scared. "Those are the old people of the regime - a spy and former officer," Talibi said. "But now is not the time to take revenge. We need government and law and order, and then we can put them on trial."

Reports arrived that the army was sending reinforcements to the border and Talibi and his men moved out. The rest of the day was spent chasing a column of army pick-up trucks carrying heavy anti-aircraft machine guns. They tracked the convoy from a distance, exchanging intelligence with other tribesmen.

"Look at them they are so happy like they are on holiday," said Talibi.

Five men set up an ambush on a mountain pass while two sat perched on the edge of high cliffs, but the convoy never came through. It had sought shelter in a nearby army camp, the tribesmen said.

The following day we reached Zentan, 60 miles east of Nalut. The town is proud of being the first in western Libya to have risen against the regime, though the crackle of heavy machine guns still rings in the distance. Here, as elsewhere, charred cars and scrap metal block most of the access to the city, diverting traffic into easily defended entry points.

The centre of the town resembles a war zone. The principal buildings of the regime - the headquarters of the security apparatus and the popular committees - have been gutted by fire and adorned with new anti-Gaddafi graffiti. There were long queues in front of petrol stations and bakeries, and the area was running out of basic foodstuffs like sugar and rice.

Fighters waving pistols and Kalashnikovs guarded the gate of the hospital, where the rebels have set up their headquarters. They were tense and edgy. "Don't worry, we are just trying to stop the mercenaries from coming," said one man, waving his pistol nervously in the air as he spoke.

Abdul Satar, the commander of Zentan's most effective fighting unit, is a small and intense man who is prone to explosive bouts of shouting. He sat in one of the hospital's offices with a Kalashnikov at his knees, its bayonet fixed.

Zentan had settled into a certain kind of routine, after falling into the hands of demonstrators a week earlier, he said. The regime and the rebels are fighting a war of attrition, in which the regime sends small army units to fire randomly and then withdraw, while Abdul Satar and his men attack neighbouring checkpoints that have been harassing people as they entered and left town. He was just back from one of these attacks. They had killed one soldier and brought back three injured prisoners.

"We come out to attack them and then we come back and this is how it goes," said Satar. Where did they get their guns? "All our weapons have been captured from the army camps," he said.

Among the dishevelled and tired fighters at the hospital, Othman Zantani, an elegant and softly-spoken medical doctor, stood out. To tell the truth, he said, the revolution was not well co-ordinated.

"It's all happening spontaneously, but now we have to start organising ourselves. I am meeting with a lot of other towns and other tribal elders. We have to move from creating committees that will run daily affairs like health and security and providing aid to the people to creating a political committee that will represent the west of the country, just like what they did in the east. We will co-ordinate with them," he said.

One member of the security committee told me about plans to send weapons and ammunition to Tripoli and besieged cities like Zawiyah. A convoy of munitions was sent two days earlier but was intercepted by regime forces surrounding the city.

"The ultimate plan is to co-ordinate with our brothers from the east and march to Tripoli," said the security leader. "The plan was start marching yesterday, but that was postponed. You see the situation is flexible so we can't really plan, but we have to send armed men to Tripoli. Those are unarmed people who are being massacred. We have to help them."

A few blocks away from the hospital, the revolutionaries have set up a communications room in a nondescript office. There, at a desk covered with thick layers of dust and piled with three landlines, two mobile phones, nine chargers, two laptops and two packs of Marlbororo sits Omar, chain-smoking and glued to the screens of his many devices. He has a baseball cap pulled down over his face as he uploads video footage to YouTube, posts statements on Facebook and updates his contacts at al-Jazeera.

Others in the room were blogging and monitoring the TV and communicating with other activists. "Without this room the revolution would have died," Omar said. "We kept it going." He did not look up.

Some names have been changed


>> http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/feb/28/libya-amazigh-identity-tribes-gaddafi

da ggi arrif qa3 iwden uwjeden, tiwca nec ad rahegh ad sghuwiwegh x tasghart negh !

morgen mobiliseert het volk zich van Marokko tegen de dictatuur om politieke veranderingen te eisen.

van talrijke stad organiseert een manifestatie, ressemblements komen op autonome wijze tot stand.

de diaspora moet zich eveneens mobiliseren en voor de ambassades van Marokko gaan blijk geven van en hun broers en zusters helpen bleven aan het land.

Citaat van: Azidane op 04/02/2011 om 10:27:43

Dat is met alles zo toch? Of je bent rijk, of je bent arm, rijk zijn ben je met 10 miljoen euro op je rekening, maar je bent ook rijk als je 250 miljoen op de bank hebt staan. Zo is het ook met dictaturen, Marokko is een dictatuur, maar Noord Korea is dat ook... Of ga je me proberen wijs te maken dat het in Noord Korea beter vertoeven is?

In Oost-Europese landen, of het nieuwe Irak hebben ze veel democratie, mensenrechten, vrijheid van meningsuiting gekregen, echter dit heeft helemaal geen einde gemaakt aan de corruptie en vriendjespolitiek.

Persoonlijk vind ik erkende democratieen zoals Engeland en USA helemaal niet zo democratisch. Zo is Engeland in 325 districten verdeeld. Als jij als partij A in alle districten 50.1% van de stemmen haalt dan krijg je dus gewoon alle 325 zetels. Partij B die in alle districten 49.9% van de stemmen haalt krijgt geen enkele zetel. Als aanhanger van partij B voel je je dan toch niet vertegenwoordigd in het parlement.


Dat bedoelde ik dus in mijn vorige post.... Omdat je alles door een vertaalmachine moet duwen begrijp je sarcastische opmerkingen over Amazigh reuzen niet en neem je dat serieus. Helaas heb je niet door hoe hilarisch en dom jouw reacties daarop zijn, dat maakt het alleen maar lachwekkender. Ga voooral zo door zou ik zeggen :P

Het huidige systeem zorgt dat bijvoorbeeld de Arabische baardapen zoals Ḥizb al3adala wa tanmiya slechts 10% van de zetels krijgen, ik moet er niet aan denken dat we dat veranderen in een "democratisch" systeem waarbij ze de meerderheid krijgen. Straks zitten de baardapen in de regering en voeren ze hun Pan Islamitische en Pan Arabische programma door, dan ben je als vrije Amazigh nog verder van huis. Denk maar eens goed na of dat hetgeen is wat je wilt...

er is meer mogelijke twijfel, jij is een huurling van makhzen!
Zeggen dat de democratieën toegegeven geen democratieën zijn, maar dat Marokko representatiever is, het echt de wereld averecht is!

De dreiging van islamisme zwaaien, is het zwaaien de strategie van makhzen om aan de macht te blijven. het is met dit argument dat de westerse machten de Arabische dictaturen ondersteunen! de amazigh beweging wordt door makhzen gehanteerd, hij dient eveneens om pressie op met een baard uit te oefenen

er is geen enkel probleem van begrip het bewijs, jij antwoordt me;)

wachter voor je, jouwe psychologie van bar !

om concluderen, nu vergeet de aanduiding "marokkaan", en gezegd "Riffijn" !

ini nec d arifi : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4Eg8sWDxNxw

Een mooi zegt Chinees spreekwoord: "Wanneer de wijs de maan toont, kijkt de imbeciel de vinger"

Dit spreekwoord toont uitstekend uw gedrag !

Marokko bepaalt zich als een arabisch land, derhalve als men zich Marokkaans eist, het betekent dat u zich als een Arabier beschouwt!

het woord "Frankrijk" komt uit het Duits voort, beschouwen de Fransen zich als Duitsers?

als genoemde u aan een buitenlander, ik marokkaans, hij zal begrijpen dat u een arabier bent. Nochtans als genoemde u, ik een het Amazigh of een het Riffijn, kan zijn zal hij niet weten, maar hij zal de pedagogie doen om te begrijpen, zodoende onze identiteit reëel zal niet vermomd weten !

ini nec d arifi : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4Eg8sWDxNxw

DE EERSTE MAROKKAANSE BERBERS BLAD IN NEDERLAND ( HAAL MEER UIT HET NIEUWS ) ????

U bent een website Amazigh of arabische (MAROKKAANSE) ?

u kunt op de woorden spelen, maar de werkelijkheid is helemaal ander!

als men uw logica volgt, als u in Turkije woont, gaat u zich als iemand van Fes beschouwen ? (de Turken noemen het gebied bestuurd door makhzen Fes! )

maar in werkelijkheid heeft makhzen in 1956 besloten om dit land te noemen "al aamlakatu' l-maghribiya" !

vervolgens, deze naam vertegenwoordigt  een ontkenning van de Riffijnse identiteit want imperialistisch Arabisch van makhzen koloniseert het Riffijnse grondgebied!

Imi id-ay ittsawared x min i ttuqi3en ggi beljik ?

Ittighirec nec zi beljik ? :)

Ma ttarzud attem3anaded agg Irifiyen n beljik ? Ã, beqdic, cekk imi qaren amddedju, tazz !

aa ghak : http://www.fadma.be/

ik zal altijd zijn hier om de bedrieglijke geschiedschrijving van makhzen tegen te gaan !

de hoofdstelling gezegd "het is de overwinnaars die de geschiedenis schrijven", maar de Amazigh hebben nog niet het laatste woord gezegd, de oorlog niet wordt beëindigd,  de wil van Mohand Khattabi is altijd levend!

Met de agenten van makhzen leert men de alle dagen ervan, nu zijn er hiërarchieën in de democratie, zij doen rangordes tussen de dictators, het is zoals zeggen u de pest of de cholera verkiest!

ofwel is jij een democratie, ofwel is jij een dictatuur, het is zwart of wit!

een dienaar van de arabieren is gemakkelijk herkenbaar, want hij houdt onverstandige woorden! ik verdacht je reeds een beetje, wanneer jij ons over de amazigh reuzen heeft gesproken die de voorvaders van de amazigh waren, als de andere ingnocito die zeiden dat de piramides door de buitenaardse wezens werden gebouwd!

iqzinen n wa3raben qa3 imma-kum muzam !

Citaat van: Chatt op 22/01/2011 om 20:49:35
Dit is geen uitspraak van Hddenwie,deze uitspraak werd gedaan door Abd-rahman el Majdoub,die stierf in het jaar 1568.

Zijn uitspraak luidde in het Arabisch: La humma bled al fassed,wa la bled el hassed.


Deze Majdoub schijnt tijdens zijn omzwervingen rond de wereld een keer per ongeluk in de Rif te zijn beland.In de Rif trof hij een armoedige bevolking aan,die honger had en op zelfgemaakte schoenen liep.

Hij vroeg aan de bevolking hoe hun land heette,waarop zij antwoordden :Wij zijn Irriffien en ons land heet Rif.

Daarop zei el Majdoub: RIF L3IF RE7FE L7ELFE,WALLAH MEN ZID XELFE.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abderrahman_El_Majdoub


Edh wenni netta.

in welk boek kan men deze aanhalingen vinden?